CHAPTER VI
| Second attempt to introduce the submarine,
Report of a commision thereon, Paints panoramas for a living, Constructs and
operates the submarine.
Fulton
|
We must now follow rapidly the vicissitudes of Fulton's second attempt
to influence the French Government to adopt his proposals for making a
submarine boat. A new Minister of Marine and of the Colonies had been
appointed on April 28, 1798, in the person of Eustace Bruix,l a man then
only in his fortieth year, and therefore not so hide-bound as his
predecessor by traditions of the service.
On the 5th Thermidor, an VI (July 23, 1798) Fulton renewed the
encounter by submitting to Bruix his propositions.2 In the covering letter,
he states that the project has been examined and approved by citizens Monge,
Dufalga, Montgolfier, Perrier, and other distinguished savants, and, after
offering once more to make the experiments at his own expense, he ends by
saying:
" The destruction of the English Navy will ensure the independence of
the seas and France, the Nation which has most natural resources and
population, will alone and without a rival hold the balance of power in
Europe."
Bruix, " relying on the opinion of enlightened citizens," i.e. those
cited above, transmits these propositions once more to the Directory.
Apparently the result was favourable, for, a week later, the minister
appointed a commission of experts to examine Fulton s project, and at the
same time he convened a meeting of them to take place on the rsth Thermidor
(August 2), at Fulton's residence. One of these letters of appointment has
been preserved ;it bears a curious device symbolising the liberty of the
seas, with the words " Liberty," "Equality," on either side of it.
(Translation.)
PARIS, 13th Shermider, Year VI. of the Republic One and Indivisible EUSTACE
BRUIX, Vice-Admiral to Citizen Adet, 810 RUE DU REGARD, PARIS.
CITIZEN, Citizen Robert Fulton having invented a machine for the
destruction of the enemy's marine forces, you are informed that I have
appointed you one of the Commissioners for examining the same. I invite you
in consequence to the residence of Citizen Fulton, No. 5I5 Rue du Bacq, on
the Isth of this month at II A.M.
The other Commissioners will also attend, and you will come to an
agreement with them as to the report which you will make to me relative to
Citizen Fulton's machine.
(Signed) E. BRUIX, Minister of Affiarzne and of the Colonies. TO
CITIZEN ADET, 8IO RUE DU REGARD, PARIS
.
The experts were Rosily, president of the Commission, for navigation
and seaworthiness; Adet for the chemical questions involved ; Pdrier for
practical mechanics; Prony for hydrostatics; and Forfait for naval
architecture. The names of citizens Gautier, Caching and Burgues Missiessy
appear also at the foot of the report; they must have been appointed
subsequently. It would have been difficult to have nominated men better
qualified in their respective spheres to undertake such a task.
The report Of the Commission, which is dated Id Fructidor (5 Sept.
1798), exhibits in consequence, as might be expected, remarkable
thoroughness and is instructive even at the present day, because it
illustrates so well the growth of an invention; space, however, precludes us
from giving it in full. The first part of the report is occupied with a
description of Fulton's plans for the construction of his Nautilus, which,
it will be seen, was of the type which takes in water ballast until the
weight of the volume of water displaced equals that of the boat a type which
is most difficult to keep in adjustment and which can give only an erratic
depth line. With the report there is a drawing which is here reproduced as a
help to the reader.
The Hull was to be of the shape of an imperfect ellipsoid 6.48 m.
(2I.25 ft.) long and I.94 m. (6.43 ft.) diameter. Below this hull there was
to be another hull of metal o.52 m. (I.7 ft.) deep, terminating I m. (3.28
ft.) from the bow with the curve of which it was to " fair." The sides of
this hull were to be similarly " faired " to the sides of the ellipsoid
while the after end, fashioned like the stern of an ordinary vessel, was to
terminate o.75 m. (2.46 ft.) from the end of the ellipsoid. The middle of
the hull was to have a flat floor. The object of this hull, which was also
to serve as a keel, was to accommodate such a quantity of water ballast as
would make the difference between the weight of the whole submarine boat and
the weight of the water displaced by it not more than 4 to 5 kilos., so that
the introduction of this small quantity of water would be all that was
necessary to make the submarine sink or rise to the surface. This was to be
accomplished by a suction and force pump worked by lever, pinion, and racks,
very much like the air pumps of the period. In the words of the report:
" Citizen Fulton, who had in view particularly the object of imitating
the mechanism by which fish make their movements in the water, has, by means
of the pump just referred to, taken the place of the swim bladder which by
its spontaneous dilations and contractions increases or diminishes the
volume of the fish and makes it approach the surface or sink to the bottom
of the water, at will."
At the bow of the ellipsoid, on the upper surface, there was to be a
metallic dome or conning tower pierced with sidelights of thick glass and
furnished with a manhole serving as an ingress for the crew and stores.
At about 1 m. (3.28 ft.) from the bow of the ellipsoid, a water-tight
bulkhead cut off a compartment which enclosed the anchor gear and a small
winch the use of which will be explained later. Both were worked by shafts
passing through stuffing boxes in the bulkhead. The anchor was of the
stockless type, the shank being drawn up the hawsehole leaving the flukes
resting against the hull.
Propulsion which, after all, was the most important point was to be
effected by means of a screw, called by Fulton a fly, actuated by cranks and
gearing. The diameter was to be I.34 m. (4.4 ft.), and there were to be four
wings about 2/3 m. (2.2 ft.) wide. He hoped to obtain when at full speed 240
revolutions, and at ordinary times 120 revolutions, of the screw.
The rudder was to be of the usual unbalanced type projecting 1 m. (3.28
ft.) from the stern and .5 m. (1.64 ft.) deep. It was to be worked by a
sprocket chain from a crank in the centre of the boat, where the commander
of the vessel stood. A second horizontal rudder, intended to maintain the
vessel at a predetermined immersion, was hinged on a pin on the vertical
rudder and at right angles to it so that it could turn through an angle of
3o deg. half above and half below the horizontal line. It was to be actuated
by a pinion working a sleeve on the vertical rudder spindle on which was a
collar. The latter came against a hook or stop on the extremity of the
horizontal rudder.
For propulsion when at the surface, and instead of using the screw, a
hinged mast was to be arranged at a point about one-third of the vessel's
length from the bow. To this mast was to be bent a sail like a fan, furled
by sheets on the ribs. After furling the sail, the mast was to be lowered
against the hull and two envelopes shaped like the sheath wings of a fly
were to close over it. Three men were to suffice for working the Nautilus,
and with a lighted lamp were expected to be able to stay for three hours
under water.
The attacking apparatus of the Nautilus was to consist of a submarine
mine or torpedo, which was merely a copper barrel intended to hold a quintal
(100 lbs ) of gunpowder and furnished in front with a gun-lock the trigger
of which was to be pulled off by a lanyard. To get this into position and
fire it the following apparatus was schemed. Through the conning tower of
the Lautzlus, by means of a stuffing box, passed a shaft. The outer end of
this terminated in a screw eye, called by Fulton " the horn of the
Nautilus." Through the eye passed the tow rope attached to the torpedo from
a small winch inside. The Nautilus was to be navigated till under the keel
of the ship which it was intended to blow up and the horn was to be embedded
in the planking by a few blows on the end of the shaft so that it could then
be screwed firmly into the wood. The Nautilus was then to set off, leaving
the horn behind, till the tow rope brought the torpedo into contact with the
ship's bottom. In the words of the report ala poudre fait une explosion
terrible qui, ne pouvant agir sur beau a cause de son incompressibilite
exerce tout son effet contre les flancs du vaisseau et le brise." It must be
remembered that it was not generally known at this time and indeed till many
years later that an explosive would act under water in this way. The
Commission did not consider that this apparatus would act satisfactorily,
and were of opinion that experiments were necessary to determine the point.
The cubic content of the boat was calculated at 10.37 cub. m. (366 cub.
ft.). Allowing one-third of this space for the accommodation of men and
stores, the remaining 6.92 cub. m. would suffice, according to Lavoisier's
experiments that a man consumes 2 5/7 cub. m. of air per hour, for 3 men for
12.5 hours. But to allow for the necessary lamplight and the fact that the
carbon dioxide from combustion and the men's lungs would render the air
irrespirable long before this point had been reached the Commission put it
down at 6 hours. It will be seen later that Fulton and his assistants only
remained 3 hours under water.
With regard to the equilibrium of the boat, the Commission remarked
that it would not do that the conning tower should come flush with the water
merely, in order to renew the air by opening the side lights; but that it
would be necessary for the conning tower to emerge 3 or 4 decimetres. It
would then be necessary to deal with 500 kilos of water instead of the 4 or
5 spoken of by the inventor. Fulton proposed a pipe to the other extremity
of the hull in order to establish a current of air.
Fulton showed to the Commissioners in action, a model of the boat in
which the screw was worked by a spring, but they were of opinion that there
was no comparison between it and an actual boat, because the spring was in
proportion at least three times the strength of three men working cranks. We
shall see later that the Commissioners were right. In his means of
propulsion Fulton was following Bushnell, who had employed a single threaded
screw of one complete turn. Fulton's propeller, however, was a short portion
only of a quadruple threaded screw. It is worthy of remark that when, half a
century later, the screw was applied to steam navigation, exactly the same
evolution was gone through. Had Fulton's work been made known, a
considerable amount of experimenting might have been dispensed with.
After approving of the ordinary rudder, they were of opinion that the
horizontal one for controlling the rise and descent of the Nautilus would
not be effectual. Fulton at once proposed a second screwl under the keel.
This was approved, as it was considered that it would give a means of more
effectually controlling the vertical speed.
The Commission approved the anchor gear, but criticised the sail
arrangement on the ground that the largest surface was at the upper part,
and would therefore diminish the boat's stability.
They remarked that the force with which a floating body tends to resist
inclination is proportional to the cube of the ordinates of the plane of
flotation. Here the plane of rotation is zero, because the difference
between the weight of the entire system and that of the volume of water
which it would displace is only 4 to 5 kilos. Therefore, theoretically, the
breath of a child would sufffice to capsize the boat. Either the sails must
be omitted or the Nautilus must have greater emersion, which means dealing
with a larger quantity of water.
Further difficulties were suggested, e.g. the enemy might furnish their
vessels with netslwherewith to fish for the torpedoes. The Nautilus might be
surprised, and it would take the crew some time to furl the sail and plunge.
There would be a difficulty in knowing the distance run under water and the
depth below the surface. For the latter contingency, Fulton proposed a
barometer, but the Commissioners show that it was not practicable The report
terminates thus:
( Translation.)
" The arm conceived by citizen Fulton is a terrible means of
destruction, because it acts in silence and in a manner almost inevitable.
It is particularly suitable to the French, because, having a weaker navy (we
should say necessarily) than their adversary, the entire destruction of both
navies is of advantage to them.
"This arm is without doubt imperfect; it is the first conception of a
man of genius. It would be very imprudent to risk coming out of the workshop
and crossing the high seas to attack the English ships in theirharbours. The
inventor, who undertakes to command the boat himself and find the necessary
crew, should practise with them, so that he may acquire confidence by
experience, perfect his steering, and make experiments to find out the best
means of piercing or blowing up sides of vessels; this is certainly not the
affair of a day. A convenient spot where there is at least a depth of water
of 5 metres is necessary, since the machine is 3 metres deep. There should
be still water and also currents, so as to learn to make headway against
them and to calculate the leeway. Workshops suitable for the preparation of
the necessary apparatus secretly are wanted....
"The Commission invites the Minister of Marine and of the Colonies to
authorise citizen Fulton to make the machine, the model of which he has
produced, and grant him the necessary means. It cannot be doubted that, with
the same brains that have been put into its conception, the elegance and
solidity of the different mechanisms comprised in it, he who has executed
the model would be able to construct the full-sized machine in a manner
equally ingenious."
Now at last, one would have thought that Fulton's end was gained; but
the difiRculties in his path were far from being removed. On the 27
Vendemiaire, an VII (18th October 1798) he sent the Minister, on behalf of
the Company, an amended scheme which, however, differed only from the first
proposal in two of the articles. Article 2 was amended to read:
"Since the taking or destruction of the first English war vessel will
justify the experiments and will prove the importance of the invention, I
stipulate that, as soon as the government shall have received certain
intelligence of the taking or destruction of the first English war vessel by
means of the Nautulus, immediately there shall be paid to me or my order
five hundred thousand francs in French money, with which sum I engage to
build a fleet of Nautuli in order to put into execution my plan against the
English fleet." Article 4 read:
" That the government engage to pay to me, my heirs and assigns the sum
of a hundred francs in cash for each pound of calibre of the guns of the
English vessels destroyed during the war by the Nautulus or put out of
commission. That is to say, for a gun of 5 lb. weight of shot there shall be
delivered to me five hundred francs; for a gun of 10 lb. weight of shot a
thousand francs, and so on. The cash shall be paid to me immediately on the
receipt of certain intelligence." The business, however, hung fire, and, as
a last resource, Fulton appealed to one of the Directors, the notorious P.
J. N. F. Barras, in the following letter, dated 27th October 1798:
ROBERT FULTON AU CITOYEN DIRECTEUR BARRAS.
CITOYEN DIRECTEUR, D'apres le repport des commissaires nommes par le
ministre de la marine il parait que la Machine et les moyens que j'ai
proposes pour detruire la flotte Angloise sont prononces praticables,
permettezmoi donc de rappeller a votre consideration les consequences [qui]
doivent resulter du succes de cette entreprise. Le commerce enorme de
l'Angleterre, ainsi que son Gouvernement monstreux, depend de sa marine
militaire. Quelques vaisseaux de guerre detruits par des moyens si nouveaux,
si caches et si incalculables, la confiance des matelots est aneantie et la
flotte rendue nulle de l epoque de la premiere frayeur. Dans cet etat des
choses les republicains en Angleterre se leveront, pour faciliter la
descente des fransais, ou pour changer eux-memes leur governement, sans
verser beaucoup de sang, et sans aucunes depenses pour la France.
L'Angleterre republicanisee les mers seront libres; la liberte des meres
devendra le garant d'une paix perpetuelle a toutes les nations maritimes;
d'une telle paix la France gagnera plus que toute autre nation a cause de sa
grande population et de l'immensite de ses ressources. Ce ne sera qu'alors
que le genie humain sentira generalement le prix des principes pour lesquels
les fransais se sont montres si prodigues de leur sang dans tous leurs
miracles de bravoure.
Si, au premier coup d'ceuil, les moyens que je propose paraissent
revoltons, ce n'est que parce qu'ils sont extraordinaires, ils ne sont riens
moins qu'inhumains, certainement c'est la maniere la plus douce et le moins
sanguinaire que le philosophe puisse imaginer pour renverser ce systeme de
brigandage et de guerre perpetuelle qui a toujours vexe les nations
maritimes, pour donner enfin la paix a la terre et pour rendre les hommes a
leur industrie naturelle, et a un bonheur jusqu'ici inconnu.
Salut et Respect. ROBT FULTON. 6
Brumaire, an 7.
(Translation.)
CITIZEN DIRECTOR, From the report of the Commissioners named by the
Minister of Marine it would appear that the machine and the means which I
have proposed to destroy the English fleet are pronounced to be practicable.
Permit me then to recall to your consideration the consequences which should
result from the su^cess of this enterprise. The enormous commerce of
England, no less than its monstrous government, depends upon its military
marine. Should some vessels of war be destroyed by means so novel, so hidden
and so incalculable the confidence of the seamen will vanish and the fleet
rendered useless from the moment of the first terror. In this state of
affairs the Republicans in England would rise to facilitate the descent of
the French or to change their government themselves without shedding much
blood and without any expense to France. With England republicanized, the
seas will be free. The liberty of the seas will become a guarantee of
perpetual peace to all maritime nations.
By such a peace France will gain more than any other nation because of
her large population and of the immensity of her resources. Only then will
humanity perceive how priceless are the principles for which the French have
shown themselves so lavish of their blood, in all their miracles of bravery.
If, at first glance, the means that I propose seem revolting, it is
only because they are extraordinary; they are anything but inhuman. It is
certainly the gentlest and the least bloody method that the philosopher can
imagine to overturn this system of brigandage and of perpetual war which has
always vexed maritime nations: To give at last peace to the earth, and to
restore men to their natural industries, and to a happiness until now
unknown."
This is a holograph letter, but it is not certain whether it was
Fulton's own composition or whether he was helped in it by Barlow or some
other friend; if the former it bears out the statement1 that he studied the
language assiduously. In his earlier negotiations with the Government, he
wrote in English, then he signed letters written by another person in
French; finally, he wrote entirely in the latter language.
This letter to Barras was of course meant to be propitiatory, but
really Fulton must have known that his statements about republicanizing
England were altogether wide of the mark. The general feeling here with
regard to the French Revolution was one of horror and a dread lest similar
excesses should take place. The vast results for good that were to flow from
this social upheaval had not yet begun to show themselves. However that may
be, the appeal was quite a failure, and nothing whatever was done to carry
out the recommendations of the Commission. The cup was dashed from Fulton's
lips apparently in the very hour of victory.
Fulton communicated a knowledge of his doings to his friends in
England. Joshua Gilpin, writing on August 28, 1798, from London, to Lord
Stanhope, says
"I hear from France that Mr. Fulton has not yet gone to America; and
probably it may be some time before he gets away, as an embargo rests on our
vessels; besides which the Government and he are amusing each other (I
think, however, to little purpose) on his new invention of the submarine
boat. I fear this will keep him from more useful pursuits."
Fulton refers to it again in a letter 1 written to Mr Gilpin from
Paris, November 20, 1798 evidently a reply to friendly criticism:
"I thank you for. . . Mr. Chapman's observations on my system of small
canals which observations will tend to bring the subject to discussion and
Render its importance understood.
. . But for the pleasure of Seeing my Canal system stand in its true Light
I look to America, and to America I look for the perfecting of all my plans."
. . . . . . . .
The plan of my Slautilgs you say is not liked, this must be because its
consequences are not understood. The Idea is yet an Infant, but I think I
see in it all the nerve and muscle of an Infant hercules which at one grasp
will Strangle the Serpents which poison and Convulse the American
Constitution.
Every man who has the least pretension to expanded Reflection and a
Knowledge of the interest of nations must admit that a perfect free trade is
of the utmost importance, but a free trade or in other words a free Ocean is
particularly Important to America. I would ask anyone if all the American
difficulties during this war is not owing to the Naval systems of Europe and
a Licenced Robbery on the ocean ? How then is America to prevent this ?
Certainly not by attempting to build a fleet to cope with the fleets of
Europe but if possible by rendering the European fleets useless. A letter
has not Room for much on this head, my Reasons on the Subject shall make
their appearance in time, and I hope in manner which will carry Conviction.
From what I have heard, some of my friends fear that I may become an
instrument in the hands of party but of this I believe there is not the
least danger.... I cannot unite with any party or polity, nor will I aid
them unless I Clearly see that an obstacle between Society and a Lasting
Peace or improvement Can be Removed. . . . I am happy Ralph has gone to
America where I hope to return early in the Spring.
" Remember me also to Mr. Cartwright's family; with Regard to his
engines I will write him."
This letter shows that Fulton had already relinquished the active
pursuit in France of his canal projects. His treatise on canal navigation
was however translated by M. de Recicourt and was published in Paris the
following year. It is interesting to note that it was also translated into
Portuguese and published in Lisbon in I800. It is probably on the strength
of this book that Fulton is referred to in contemporary French technical
literature as an authority on canals.
Fulton is very explicit also in this letter as to the course he
intended to pursue with regard to the submarine, and his subsequent conduct
was in accordance with it. Clearly, he shared the view which has been held
by many other enthusiasts in like case, that ultimately his inventions would
do away with warfare altogether by rendering it impossible.
It was all very well, however, to write letters in lofty strains, but
he had no assured income, and by this time his funds were once more at a low
ebb: he was obliged, therefore, to look round for some means of livelihood.
It was only natural that his thoughts should turn to his late profession of
art, so that we find a few portraits, such as the one of his friend Barlow,
dating from this period. Barlow seems to have been a good friend to him
financially, and probably gave him this commission as a delicate way of
putting him in funds once more. But Fulton's execution was excelled by that
of many other artists in Paris, and there was but small demand just then for
the art of portraiture. Small wonder that the field of mechanical invention
should occur to his mind as a suitable one to delve in; in fact, he became a
prolific patentee. He had already turned his attention to the problem of
making rope by machinery, instead of by hand as then almost exclusively
practiced, as is shown by the following letter to Cartwright:
PARIS, June 20th ,1798.
MY DEAR SIR, Still I continue in France and thus take the opportunity
of writing to you by my friend, Mr. Gilpin, who will convey to America
anything you have to communicate to me on mechanical subjects. In a long
letter I wrote to you on mechanics on March sth, I mentioned some ideas of a
machine for making ropes, the model of which is now finished, capable of
making a rope one inch diameter. By Mr. G. I send you a piece of rope
fabricated on the engine by which you may judge of its state of perfection.
But still I conceive you have superior ideas on the movement of such an
engine, particularly the means of giving equal tension to the strands.
It was for this machine that Fulton, in conjunction with Nat. Cutting,
a compatriot, obtained on 18th May 1799, a patent for fifteen years for
'Machines a fabriquer toutes especes de corded cables et cordages en
general."
The machine that Cartwright had invented his " cordelier " which is
referred to by Fulton in this letter, was patented by the former in England
in 1792 (No. 1876). Fulton's machine was no improvement upon his, but it was
much superior to the hand methods then in use in France, and therefore had
considerable vogue. It must have brought in some addition to his means,
especially if it is true, as has been stated, that his machines were
introduced into the French Government Dockyards.
The success of Fulton's rope-making machine, however, was quite
insignificant when compared with that of another of his ventures in which
his artistic training stood him in good stead. This was when he hit upon the
happy idea of painting a panorama, then quite a novelty, and therefore just
the thing to attract the attention of the versatile Parisians and to bring
him prominently before the public. So true it is that any way of amusing, or
again of feeding, one's fellowman is appreciated whereas any proposal for
improving his condition, the advantage of which. requires a little thought
to grasp, is generally rejected.
The Panorama was, however, not original with Fulton, for it was
introduced by Robert Barker, a portrait painter of Edinburgh, who patented
the invention in Great Britain in 1787 (No. 1612). No doubt the idea of
panoramic representation was older still, but Barker was the first to bring
it before the public on a large scale. His Panorama of Edinburgh was
exhibited in the Haymarket in 1789; this, however, was only a small affair,
25 feet diameter. He then painted a view of London which was shown in 1792.
Finally, in 1793, he took a lease of ground irl Leicester Square and erected
three panoramas, the largest being 90 feet diameter. This was opened early
in 1794 and was succeeded during subsequent years by others in fact it
proved a very remunerative enterprise.
Such an exhibition, touching so closely on his then intended profession
of art, besides being so close to where he was residing at the time and
being a fashionable resort of the town, could not have been unknown to
Fulton. It is just possible that he had come to some arrangement with the
inventor, just as he had proposed to Dr. Cartwright in regard to one of the
latter's inventions,1 but if so we have no record of it.
However that may be, a French patent was taken out on April 26, 1799
for the term of ten years by "Robert Fulton of the United States." On I7
Frimaire an VIII (Dec. 8th, 1799) he disposed of his patent rights " par
acte notaire " to James W. Thayer, a compatriot, and his wife Henriette, nee
Bec.
A plot of land situated in a central position in Paris, on the south
side of the Boulevard Montmartre, was secured, and upon it was erected a
large building 14 m. (46 feet) diameter, to contain the Panorama. The site
is now indicated by the " Passage (i.e. an arcade, with shops) des
Panoramas," with the exception of the "rue Fulton " l near the Jardin des
Plantes the only vestiges in the city to remind those who know the facts, of
Fulton's long stay there. The subject of the Panorama that he painted and
completed early in 1800, was the "Burning of Moscow," not, of course, the
fire which signalised Napoleon's invasion of Russia, for that did not take
place till 1812, but an earlier one, of which so many are recorded in the
history of Moscow in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Doubtless
Fulton chose his subject for this very reason, because he would be on very
safe ground, and also because it offered an opportunity for a very lurid
production. This was succeeded by another on the same site.
As indicating how popular the Panorama was, outlasting even the
Republic itself, it is interesting to note that the concessionaires on March
9, 1809, obtained a prolongation of their patent for five years, just when
it was about to expire, so that it remained in force till April 27, 1814. It
is interesting also, to find that Fulton, on 26th April 1801, obtained a
second patent for fifteen years, for improvements in panoramas.
Notwithstanding these pre-occupations Fulton continued in an insistent
way to importune the Directory to listen to his proposals on submarine
navigation. One of these appeals is as follows:
To the Citizens composing the military Committee of the executive
Directory of the French Republic.
PARIS, 29 Messidor, an Vii. (17 July, 1799).
Citizen Fulton, American, presented to the Directory 18 months ago, the
model of an engine intended to destroy, in the open sea and even in their
ports, English vessels and, in consequence, to wipe out their military
marine.
This project was sent to the Minister of Marine, who nominated to
examine it, a commission composed of citizens Borda, Perrier, Adet, Prony,
Forfait, Rosily, and Barthelemi: the report of the commission was as
favourable as the author could desire: the principles of this engine were
found to be simple and in accordance with those of mechanics and augured the
happiest success if carried out.
Citizen Fulton offered to the Directory to execute the first engine; he
did not even ask government for an advance for any expenses if they did not
think fit to make them; he only asked for permission to construct this
engine at Paris and to make trial of it against some English fleet
blockading our ports.
Citizen Fulton has never been able to obtain that permission, but he
has not ceased to beg for it with all the zeal of a disinterested patriot,
who asks neither for place nor money.
. . . . . . . .